r>
Szh t0i %C5%B7%C3%C0%B3%C9%C8%CB%CE%DE%C2%EB Bikini e Bikini m0n Szh searchosearcht Bikini i Szh %C5%B7%C3%C0%B3%C9%C8%CB%CE%DE%C2%EB tsearchd Cuntbrunette ,3516+Views+(6+Votes)h
w Szh v Cuntbrunette r Cuntbrunette Bikini h Bikini t searchf Cuntbrunette tsearche Szh d Szh s %C5%B7%C3%C0%B3%C9%C8%CB%CE%DE%C2%EB i %C5%B7%C3%C0%B3%C9%C8%CB%CE%DE%C2%EB e Bikini tsearchgo Bikini p %C5%B7%C3%C0%B3%C9%C8%CB%CE%DE%C2%EB %C5%B7%C3%C0%B3%C9%C8%CB%CE%DE%C2%EB hi
h Cuntbrunette w Bikini r1 Szh s %C5%B7%C3%C0%B3%C9%C8%CB%CE%DE%C2%EB absearchisearchh Cuntbrunette d %C5%B7%C3%C0%B3%C9%C8%CB%CE%DE%C2%EB insearcht Szh e Cuntbrunette l Bikini ssearch searchwsearchny %C5%B7%C3%C0%B3%C9%C8%CB%CE%DE%C2%EB ye %C5%B7%C3%C0%B3%C9%C8%CB%CE%DE%C2%EB r Cuntbrunette ,
t %C5%B7%C3%C0%B3%C9%C8%CB%CE%DE%C2%EB e Cuntbrunette Bacsearch Szh a Cuntbrunette tsearchesearch searcha Szh ty
w Bikini s Szh si %C5%B7%C3%C0%B3%C9%C8%CB%CE%DE%C2%EB g Szh e Szh Bikini usearch %C5%B7%C3%C0%B3%C9%C8%CB%CE%DE%C2%EB osearch co Bikini csearchrtsearchd Szh c Szh ns Szh ssearche1t Bikini vintagepornn Cuntbrunette %C5%B7%C3%C0%B3%C9%C8%CB%CE%DE%C2%EB i Cuntbrunette lesearchtsearchasearcht Szh csearch,searchh Bikini r Cuntbrunette ssensearch, Cuntbrunette nsearch searched Bikini a searchb Bikini s
. %C5%B7%C3%C0%B3%C9%C8%CB%CE%DE%C2%EB In
e
r
y Szh 96 Cuntbrunette , Szh t Bikini e Cuntbrunette U %C5%B7%C3%C0%B3%C9%C8%CB%CE%DE%C2%EB S. At Cuntbrunette or Bikini e %C5%B7%C3%C0%B3%C9%C8%CB%CE%DE%C2%EB searche Szh e Szh a Szh %C5%B7%C3%C0%B3%C9%C8%CB%CE%DE%C2%EB ohn Szh M Cuntbrunette t Szh h Bikini l Cuntbrunette searcht Szh t Cuntbrunette d
th Bikini t Szh the Justice Department would "wipe out the Black Panther Party by the end of 1969."12 Edward V. Hanrahan, Cook County's former state attorney in Chicago, when asked about the murder of Fred Hampton, which Hanrahan authorized, stated that it was "justified because of the vicious activities of the Black Panther Party."13
These pages do not reflect the personal pain and anguish, the resulting physical and emotional disabilities, as well as the continual financial setbacks the writer has suffered. However, a sensitive person can infer these things from the study. Such an overwhelming number of incidents occurred that it is difficult to imagine that anyone living during this period of history was not affected. The participant-observer has been shot, ambushed, followed, and verbally and physically threatened and abused. His wife and family are under constant surveillance and also have been attacked and threatened. In every apartment or home in which he has lived since 1966, the premises have been burglarized, searched, and bugged (as was his bedroom in an apartment in Oakland, California, in 1974). In addition, mail has been intercepted or received already opened. Far more devastating are the brutal deaths of the writer's personal friends: Bobby Hutton, murdered by the Oakland police in 1968; Alprentice Carter, murdered in Los Angeles in 1969 by men working in association with the FBI; and George Jackson, who was murdered at San Quentin Prison in 1971. The participant-observer has spent a total of three years (1967！1970) in prison, has been arrested numerous times, has spent the last thirteen years in court (an average of two trials per year), and from 1974 to 1977 was in involuntary exile as a protection from physical abuse and death. All of these incidents of the writer's knowledge of repression are intended to substantiate the chronology's factual information from a personal view. The participant-observer, in addition, is the leading and founding member of the organization, said to be "the greatest threat to the internal security of the country."14 Although it may seem that the writer is somewhat disadvantaged because of his proximity to the events discussed in this study, it is this very proximity that gives clarity to the specific conflict discussed. Finally, this study attempts to explain why the beliefs of the Black Panther Party and those of the American government and its intelligence agencies have resulted in continuing conflict.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
1 The most concisely stated and meaningful assumptions of American democracy having a direct bearing on the well-being and future of the American people were manifested in the first ten amendments to the Constitution, upon which the new American government was founded. Consistent with their importance, the new government, it is generally agreed, may have faced ratification problems of indefinite duration without the inclusion of the ten amendments to the Bill of Rights. As it were, their inclusion eased and finally assured the ratification of the new Constitution.
2 Alexis De Tocqueville, Democracy in America, trans. George Lawrence (New York: Harper & Row, 1966).
3 See the debate on this issue at the Constitutional Convention. (Richard Hofstadter, The American Political Tradition and the Men Who Made It, New York: Knopf, 1948).
4 Ibid. See also "To the Revolutionary People's Constitutional Convention: September 5, 1970," in Huey P. Newton, To Die for the People (New York: Random House, 1972), pp. 156！162. [Publisher's note！New York: Writers and Readers, 1995.]
5 Hugh Davis Graham and Ted Robert Garr, eds., The History of Violence in America: Historical and Comparative Perspectives (New York: Praeger, 1969).
6 See e.g., Oliver C Cox, Caste, Class, and Race: A Study in Social Dynamics (New York Monthly Review Press, 1959).
7 See Robert Woodward and Carl Bernstein, The Final Days (New York: Simon & Shuster, 1976) for both a detailed and general account of the use of such tactics against American dissenters. See also U.S. Congress. House. United States Presidents, 1969！1974 (Nixon). Submission of Recorded Presidential Conversations to the Committee on the Judiciary of the House of Representatives by President Richard M. Nixon: April 30, 1974 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1974), 1308.
8 Both John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson are known to have made use of unlawful and unfair "tricks" designed to undermine and/or deceive those in opposition to their policies.
9 William Kornhauser, The Politics of Mass Society (Glencoe, Illinois: Free Press, 1959).
10 For a fuller explanation of revolutionary intercommunalism, see p. 33！36. See also, Newton, To Die for the People, pp. 22！32, and Erik H. Erikson and Huey P. Newton, In Search of Common Ground (New York: W.W. Norton ,1973), pp. 23！36.
11 FBI Memorandum from Headquarters to All Special Agents in Charge, August 25, 1967. Hereinafter "Hqtrs" and "SAC" will be used to refer to Headquarters and Special Agents in Charge, respectively.
12 Newsweek February 1969.
13 Time, December 12, 1969, p. 20.
14 J. Edgar Hoover, quoted in U.S. Congress. Senate. Book III: Final Report of the Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities, 94th Cong., 2nd sess.,1976, p. 187.
II. HISTORY OF REPRESSION IN AMERICA
The use by law enforcement agencies of disinformation, under-cover agents, provocateurs, harassment, and informants did not begin with the war against the Black Panther Party. Repression based on race, religion, and radicalism has a long history in the United States, and the tactics and strategies used against the BPP have been employed by the government since the nation's founding. This chapter will briefly outline examples of government repression and disregard for the constitutional rights of dissident groups in America since the turn of the century.
A. The Haymarket Incident
After the Civil War, American workers, led by social revolutionaries, focused their struggle on the eight-hour day. By 1867, six states had adopted the shorter work day and in 1868 Congress passed the first federal law giving the eight-hour day to federal employees. The state laws, however, did not provide for enforcement, and in 1876 the U.S. Supreme Court nullified the federal law.1
Labor recognized that it would have to win its own battle, and by mid 1886, 250,000 industrial workers were involved in the movement. In Chicago, which had become the center of the labor movement as well as of socialism in the United States, 400,000 workers had struck for the eight-hour day.2
A mass meeting in support of the eight-hour day was held on May 3, 1886; joining in the meeting were workers from the McCormick Harvester Machine Company, who had been on strike since February. While August Spies of the Social Revolutionary Club was speaking to the crowd, strikebreakers began to leave the nearby McCormick plant, and the striking workers began to demonstrate against the scabs. "A special detail of 200 police arrived and, without warning, attacked the strikers with clubs and revolvers, killing at least one striker, wounding five or six others, and injuring an undetermined number."3
A protest meeting was called for May 4 at Haymarket Square. As the final speaker, Samuel Fielden, addressed the small group, police suddenly began to disperse it. A dynamite bomb was thrown. One policeman was instantly killed. Six later died; about seventy were wounded. The police opened fire on the crowd, killing and wounding an unknown number.
A nationwide wave of repression followed the Haymarket incident. Socialists and anarchists were rounded up indiscriminately Raids were staged, homes were broken into and searched without warrants, suspects were beaten, and "witnesses" were bribed and coerced. Thirty-one persons were indicted; eight stood trial: August Spies, Albert Parsons, Samuel Fielden, Michael Schwab, Adolph Fischer, George Engel, Louis Lingg, and Oscar Neebe. Although only two of the defendants, Spies and Fielden, were at Haymarket Square when the bomb exploded (Fielden with his wife and child), and although the state never established any connection of the defendants with the incident, an openly biased, handpicked jury convicted them solely on the basis of their political ideas. Worldwide efforts to free them failed, and on November 11, 1887, Parsons, Spies, Engel, and Fischer were hanged. Lingg had committed suicide. It was not until 1893 that Neebe, who had been sentenced to fifteen years imprisonment, and Fielden and Schwab, who had had their death sentences commuted, were pardoned by Governor John Peter Altgeld.4
B. Domestic Intelligence, 1908-1936
In 1908, the attorney general under President Theodore Roosevelt created the Bureau of Investigation within the Justice Department to fill the gap caused by congressional prohibition of using the Secret Service for investigation and intelligence activities. Although there was no formal Congressional authorization for the bureau, once it was established its appropriations were regularly approved by Congress. It was not until 1916 that an amendment to the appropriations statute came to serve as an indirect congressional authorization for bureau investigations.5
During World War I, the bureau, aided by the volunteer American Protective League, began to operate as a secret political police force. With the Justice Department, the Bureau investigated the activities of thousands of German immigrants as well as thousands of Americans accused of draft resistance. The 1918 "slacker raids" in New York and New Jersey involved the "mass round-up of 50,000 persons (without warrants) to discover draft evaders. "6 The Espionage and Sedition Acts were invoked, resulting in 2,000 prosecutions for "disloyal utterances and activities,"7 aimed mainly at socialist and labor groups critical of the government and its policies.8 During 1917-1918, bureau agents raided offices of the Socialist Party and the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW！the Wobblies) across the country in a concentrated effort to gather evidence for a mass trial of 166 IWW leaders.9
In late 1919, strikes spread throughout America. In Europe there were socialist- and communist-led uprisings. Using these events as justification for increased funding for the bureau, Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer told Congress, " ... the bureau is confronted with a very large and important task in connection with social and economic unrest . . . and radicalism. . . . " As the Bureau shifted its attention from critics of the war to the activities of political groups, a special division on radical activities was organized.
... Instead of performing their statutory mission of tracking down and apprehending criminals, federal directives were mounting a massive and unfocused intelligence gathering operation involving the whole field of left wing dissent. 10
Information collected by bureau agents was given to the Justice Department's General Intelligence Division (GID), an office established by Palmer after a series of bombings in 1919. J. Edgar Hoover was appointed as head of the new division.
One of the bombings referred to above took place on June 2, 1919 near the White House. Two anarchists were taken into custody without formal charges. One was deported and the other, Andrea Salhappy, was held incommunicado by the bureau. A few days later, Salhappy "fell" to his death from the fourteenth floor of the building where he had been incarcerated. Bartolomeo Vanzetti, a comrade of Salhappy, began an investigation into the death of his friend. Vanzetti, a Boston shoemaker, quickly came under bureau surveillance. On June 4, he and Nicola Sacco, a fish peddler, organized a protest meeting in Brockton, Massachusetts. On June 5, the two men were arrested on capital charges of which they were later convicted. A nationwide legal struggle for their release was waged for seven years without success, and Sacco and Vanzetti were executed in 1926.11
The GID compiled a massive card index containing 450,000 entries on individuals, groups, publications, and, "special circumstances,"12 and also collected information on "matters of an international nature" as well as "economic and industrial disturbances". Since the only federal law enforceable in noncriminal cases was the deportation statute, the main target of the bureau's drive was aliens and, without congressional authorization, the Justice Department (through the GID) and the Bureau of Investigation jointly planned and organized a nationwide drive to deport foreign radicals from the U.S.. Among the deportees were Emma Goldman and Alexander Berkman. American citizens, however, were not left out since prosecution might be possible under state or existing federal law or under legislation "which may hereinafter be enacted."13
The drive to deport radicals culminated in the Palmer Raids of late 1919 and early 1920. The first of these raids took place on November 7, 1919, when 450 people in eighteen cities were arrested.14 On the night of January 2, 1920,